Monday, April 30, 2012

Kony 2012 at The New School



Come join us for a screening of the much talked about Kony 2012 about war criminal Joseph Kony.

Monday, April 30, 8:00 p.m.
Kellen Auditorium, 66 Fifth Avenue, ground floor
Free; no reservation required, seating is first come, first served

Presented by Invisible Children, an organization supporting the African children soldiers and trying to end the use of children soldiers in Joseph Kony's rebel war. Their goal is to increase awareness around the world by spreading the word to the public. Sponsored by the Office of Student Development and Activities. For more information, email studev@newschool.edu.




Monday, April 23, 2012

Outrageous, Meaningful, Or Both? (A Way To Get People Talking About Female Circumcision In Africa)

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Activism via an elaborate art project:




An Act Gets Added Thanks To An Online Video?



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Current View Total: 25,695
Allows Youtube user comments
What it's about: In 2009, WITNESS and National Council on Aging (NCOA) produced An Age for Justice: Confronting Elder Abuse in America, a film providing proof of the financial, emotional and physical abuse that up to an estimated five million older Americans face every year. The goal of the video campaign was to support the passage in Congress of the Elder Justice Act (EJA), the first comprehensive legislation that protects older Americans from abuse. The premiere screening of An Age for Justice took place on Capitol Hill in October 2009 and has since screened in hundreds of communities across the U.S.

(Witness.org)

What it's done: In March 2010, EJA was passed as part of the historic Healthcare Reform Bill. EJA creates a foundation from which the U.S. can begin to protect the rights of older Americans by providing support for programs on prevention and detection of elder abuse, dignified treatment of victims and fair prosecution of perpetrators.

(Witness.org)


Small Video Has Big Results


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Current view total: 11,431
Allows Youtube user comments
What it's about: Segregated education for Romani students in Bulgaria exacerbates existing racial inequalities, leaving these youth isolated from the wider society and ill-equipped to compete in the labor market. A 2001 study by the Open Society Foundation-Bulgaria paints a bleak picture of the country’s educational ghettos, with only 5 percent of the Roma pupils in these schools given even “the slightest chance” of finishing their secondary education.

Our partner Organization Drom works to promote the inclusion of Roma in all spheres of Bulgarian society, and in particular to promote the educational integration of Roma children. In June 2006, Drom and WITNESS produced “Equal Access: Integrated Education for Romani Children in Bulgaria” a video that raises awareness about the model of educational desegregation, which Drom has been successfully implementing since 2000. Targeting local, national, and international audiences and policymakers, the video called on the Bulgarian authorities to fully implement its policy of equal access to quality education for Romani students.

(Witness.org)

What it's done: The video was widely distributed in the Romani communities and throughout the region, helping to dispel the fears and misconceptions that accompany the public debate about integrating Romani children in the school system. The advocacy efforts incorporating the video resulted in funding by the European Union Structural Funds, marking the transition of school desegregation projects from grassroots initiative to state-supported programs.

(Witness.org)


WITNESS Co-hosts Panel: "Kony 2012" And Lessons Learned For Global Activism




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Panel which took place last week at NYU. Witness on the effectiveness of Kony 2012.


The most viral video of all time, Invisible Children's Kony 2012, intentionally catapulted Lord's Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony into the western public's eye. It also provoked a rare public debate about the methods and effects of transnational activism. While supporters celebrated the campaign's viral success, critics questioned its call for a militarized response, its neglect of African voices, and the narratives employed to galvanize western viewers. Please join CHRGJ and WITNESS, as we host a forward-looking discussion about what can be learned from the campaign successes of Kony 2012 and the subsequent global debate.

When: Tuesday, April 17, 2012 | 6-8pm
Where: NYU Law School Furman Hall
Lester Pollack Room | 245 Sullivan St., 9th floor
*Please bring photo ID to be admitted.

The discussion will be followed by a reception.
RSVP requested, space is limited. Email watnea [@] exchange [dot] law [dot] nyu [dot] edu

Speakers include*:


Moderator: Amy Goodman, Executive Producer, Democracy Now
Professor
Philip Alston, Faculty Director and Co-chair, CHRGJ; UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions (Aug 2004-July 2010)
;
Fabienne Hara, Vice-President for Multilateral Affairs at International Crisis Group;
Chioke I'Anson
, philosopher who specializes in Africana philosophy, postcolonial theory, and humanitarianism;
Chris Michael
, WITNESS, video advocacy trainer and human rights advocate.

Victor Ochen, Director of the African Youth Initiative Network, which offers rehabilitation assistance to Ugandan youth affected by the war; LRA war survivor;
Jolly Okot
, Country Director for Invisible Children, Uganda

*Speakers are subject to confirmation and may change.
April 17, 2012
New York, NY
Furman Hall, Lester Pollack Room | 245 Sullivan St., 9th floor

Putting one against the other: Witness and Kony 2012's plan of attack



In your opinion, which activism plan is more effective?


Witness.org's?


Or Invisible Children's?


Witness org. promotional video


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Less flashy, more effective: A promotional video for Witness.org, an important website specializing in video activism and putting the cameras in the hands of those that need them.


From Flash To Fizzle (From The New York Times)



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by Brian Stelter

I don't remember how old I was when I first climbed up to the roof of my family's home in suburban Maryland. Eleven, maybe? Twelve? But I do remember what I saw up there. It was the night of the Fourth of July, and it was turning dark enough for the fireworks. 

As I was seated facing south, in the direction of the town closest to me, Damascus, I tried to guess where on the horizon I'd see the first stray green or red or blue shell -- the one that serves as a five-minute warning that the show's about to start. But on this night, I didn't see the first explosion in the sky. I heard it. 

The sound had come from far away, in the direction of a neighboring town, Mount Airy. The fireworks show there had already started, pre-empting my town's. Soon I could see both shows simultaneously, and before long a few families on my street fired off a few shells of their own, and I watched in awe until all I saw in the sky were stars. 

Today, this is what our news culture looks like to consumers: individual bursts of light that appear out of nowhere and disappear just as fast. 

What else can we call a story that generates 100 million views on YouTube in a matter of days, garners outrage among young people across the country and spurs several resolutions in Congress -- and then practically vanishes? 

The YouTube views were for a video produced by Invisible Children, a small nonprofit group that was trying to draw attention to Joseph Kony, the head of the Lord's Resistance Army, an African guerrilla group that has mounted attacks against civilians for more than 20 years. But his name probably needs no explanation now. ''KONY 2012,'' as the video was dubbed, became an international news sensation in early March, ''rocketing across Twitter and Facebook at a pace rarely seen for any video, let alone a half-hour film about a distant conflict in Central Africa,'' as The New York Times put it in a front-page article on March 9. 

The video succeeded in making Mr. Kony famous, which was the first of the group's stated goals. Maybe a year from now he'll be arrested, as the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, has vowed. ''Now we have the citizens of the world pushing for that, and that is helping a lot,'' he told The Associated Press earlier this month. ''It will be the end of the Joseph Kony crimes.''
But in the United States, at least, Mr. Kony is no longer in the news or on Twitter's ever-refreshing list of trending topics. 

Fireworks like ''KONY 2012'' burn more brightly than they would have in the past, but for better or worse, they tend to be extinguished faster than ever, too. Just ask Jeremy Lin, who's no longer a source of ''Linsanity,'' or Karen Handel, who's no longer a top official at the Susan G. Komen for the Cure foundation, or Michele Bachmann, no longer a presidential candidate. Or Rick Perry. Or Herman Cain. (If you can remember why they were newsworthy at all.) 

In a few days, ask Hilary Rosen, whose comments about Ann Romney sparked a brief but furious ''mommy war'' last week. 

These flash-in-the-pan episodes have long been evident in the entertainment universe. The breakup of a marriage like Kim Kardashian's or the death of a superstar like Whitney Houston prompts instant heehawing and told-ya-so-ing, and a month later we're hard-pressed to remember that it happened at all. 

But now, the same overreactions happen with political news -- when Sarah Palin hints again at running for president or Rush Limbaugh insults a law student on the radio. 

Except now, instead of asking ''Where were you'' when a news story flashes before us like a firework, we ask, ''Who told you?'' 

Users of social networking Web sites flit from one story to another, attracted by what their friends are saying and what the omnipresent lists of trending topics are stressing. There's a law that might harm the Internet! Click. Beyoncé's having a baby! Click. There's pink slime in our hamburger meat! Click. You can almost hear the shells bursting in the nighttime sky. 

''The news itself has become so ubiquitous, so constant that our eyes only pop out when a really shiny object comes flowing down the river,'' said Jim Bankoff, the head of Vox Media, which operates the sports Web site SB Nation and the technology site The Verge. ''People don't just consume it, they 'like' it, retweet and e-mail it. All this sharing leads to more sharing, which sets off a trend, which sparks more coverage.'' 

Sometimes this can be distracting; sometimes, even suffocating. And yet we seem to gain something from it -- a common online conversation. A common ground. Or at the very least, a currency for jokes. 

AND then, just as suddenly, we switch over to the next big story. 

Google search rankings, video view records and Twitter trending topics tell users when the crowd has moved on. Then the joke becomes: ''Kony who?'' 

Of the 7.1 million page views of Wikipedia's article on Mr. Kony so far this year, 5 million were racked up in the three days when the video was a hot topic online. Now it's viewed fewer than 15,000 times a day. 

Perhaps this flitting from story to story also reflects the sense of accomplishment Web users feel when we think action has been taken against the day's injustice. Certainly, there was celebration online when Netflix reversed itself on its plan to break up streaming and DVD services. And there was celebration among Mr. Limbaugh's critics, too, every time an advertiser distanced itself from his show. 

It may be true when it comes to more serious subjects as well, like Mr. Kony's decades of brutality. Vivian Schiller, the chief digital officer for NBC News (and a former executive at The New York Times Company) credits some of the intensity of the news cycle to both the access to social media and ''the sense of empowerment that social media has generated.'' 

The February shooting of Trayvon Martin, a 17-year-old in Sanford, Fla., may have never received national media attention were it not for the initial bursts of Twitter and Facebook buzz. 

The same is probably true of Mr. Kony, who is believed to be in hiding in Central Africa. Two weeks after ''KONY 2012'' was released, I asked a group of 12 students at the University of Memphis how many knew who Mr. Kony was. Eleven students immediately raised their hands -- and then the 12th student meekly raised his hand, too, probably out of fear of being an outcast. Four said they had watched the video in its entirely. Yet none of them had heard anything about Mr. Kony or his army in the days since. 

Some of the students had also heard about another viral video -- this one courtesy of TMZ, showing the Invisible Children co-founder Jason Russell pacing a San Diego street, unclothed, in what the media described as a breakdown. It ignited no new burst of Kony coverage, however. Traffic for the ''KONY 2012'' video barely budged. 

The group called its next video ''Part II -- Beyond Famous.'' Released on April 4, the video defended the group against critics and previewed plans for a night of action on April 20. It has been viewed over 1.6 million times -- impressive on its own, but a mere bottle rocket compared to the fireworks a month earlier. The group had its moment -- and now the dazzling flashes of light are elsewhere.

Hashtag Activism, and Its Limits (From The New York Times)



It’s an important distinction in an age when you can accumulate social currency on Facebook or Twitter just by hitting the “like” or “favorite” button. 

The ongoing referendum on the Web often seems more like a kind of collective digital graffiti than a measure of engagement: I saw this thing, it spoke to me for at least one second, and here is my mark to prove it. 
 
But it gets more complicated when the subjects are more complicated. Hitting the favorite button on the first episode of “Mad Men” is a remarkably different gesture than expressing digital solidarity with kidnapped children in Africa, but it all sort of looks the same at the keyboard. 

In the friction-free atmosphere of the Internet, it costs nothing more than a flick of the mouse to register concern about the casualties of far-flung conflicts. Certainly some people are taking up the causes that come out of the Web’s fire hose, but others are most likely doing no more than burnishing their digital avatars.
In February, the digiterati went bonkers after the Susan G. Komen foundation (shorthanded as #Komen on Twitter) announced it was cutting off financing for Planned Parenthood. And then #KONY2012 started popping up in my Twitter feed and I, along with 100 million others, watched a video about the indicted Ugandan war criminal Joseph Kony. 

After weeks of remaining under the radar, #TrayvonMartin began to surface as well, with many suggesting that the people who got so frantic about the victimization of young black males on another continent needed to look closer to home, at the death of an unarmed black teenager in Florida. 

As a reporter, I don’t sign up for various causes, but as someone who lives — far too much — in the world of social media, I can feel the pull of digital activism. And I have to admit I’m starting to experience a kind of “favoriting” fatigue — meaning that the digital causes of the day or week are all starting to blend together. Another week, another hashtag, and with it, a question about what is actually being accomplished. 
 
I ended up thinking a lot about the power and limits of digital activism earlier this month when I was in Moscow during the Russian presidential vote. I spent election night with Aleksei Navalny, a Russian blogger who had become a tip of the spear in the social media campaign against the current government. On that night, camera crews from around the world swirled around him and it seemed as if anything was possible.
But by the next day, it was clear that Vladimir V. Putin would retain his grip on power, and Mr. Navalny ended up posting on Twitter from police custody when he was arrested after an opposition rally. Social media activism may prove to be a durable force in Russian politics, but in these early days it is no match for offline might. 

Evgeny Morozov, the author of “The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom,” is not entirely dismissive of the Web as a political organizing tool, but is skeptical of the motives, and power, of digital activism. 

“My hunch is that people often affiliate with causes online for selfish and narcissistic purposes,” he said. “Sometimes, it may be as simple as trying to impress their online friends, and once you have fashioned that identity, there is very little reason to actually do anything else.” 

Which brings us to the online campaign denouncing the fact that “Bully,” a movie about child-on-child harassment and violence to be released Friday, has received an R rating from the Motion Picture Association of America’s ratings board. 

I have watched the evocative trailer for the movie and met the director, Lee Hirsch. And as a parent of a 15-year-old, I have skin in the game. 

On Thursday, word came that David Boies and Ted Olson, the attorneys who were on the opposite sides of the Bush v. Gore Supreme Court case, had joined the effort to persuade the motion picture association to change the film’s R rating to PG-13, so that the young people most affected by the issue could actually see the movie. Celebrities and politicians, everyone from Drew Brees to Justin Bieber, have weighed in, as have more than 460,000 people who’ve signed an online petition demanding that the rating be changed.
The petition was started by a teenager, Katy Butler, who was bullied for being a lesbian, and has blown up huge on Twitter and elsewhere. 

“We were absolutely disappointed with the rating,” Mr. Hirsch told me Friday. “This film has been heralded and welcomed by all kinds of education groups, and multiple school districts were planning to take their students en masse.” 

Mr. Hirsch said the petition came out of nowhere. “I got an e-mail the day after it started and I have watched it rising since,” he said. 

Generally the way people express support for a film is by paying for a ticket. If “Bully” were seen only by the people who signed the petition, it would have a domestic gross of about $5 million. “Food Inc.,” “Inside Job” and “Enron: The Smartest Guys in the Room,” all major documentaries that landed with significant impact, never made it to the $5 million mark. 

There’s another thing to wonder about. The film is distributed by Harvey Weinstein’s company — who I can say without irony is one of the most talented bullies in any business — and what seems like a blossoming of netroots has obvious commercial value to the Weinstein Company. It would not be the first time a distributor happily courted controversy to call attention to a film. 

I called Christopher J. Dodd, the former senator who now runs the motion picture association and who was on the receiving end of a full-fledged Web revolt after his organization’s support of unpopular piracy legislation in January. I expected him to suggest that all the online petitioners had failed to grasp the nuance and importance of the ratings system. Not so. 

“These are our customers and it behooves us to listen to them,” he said. “We had a screening in Washington and among others we had Katy Butler, who started the petition, and she got up and spoke. I commended her for what she had done.” 

“This is the world we are going to live in as far as I can see into the future, and we need to be part of that conversation instead of wringing our hands,” Mr. Dodd said. 

Mr. Dodd said he and Mr. Weinstein had been in steady and earnest communication, and that he believes that some sort of compromise on the content of the film will be reached so that young people who wish to can see the film together — as they should — without having to hold hands with or seek permission from their parents. 

That outcome — a very traditional organization responding with an open mind to a netroots outcry — made me think again about my own cynicism about Web activism. Many of the folks who made the unpopular decision at Komen are gone and the policy has been amended. Trayvon Martin’s death is under investigation and the president is now weighing in directly. And who knows, perhaps the Web-enabled sunlight on Joseph Kony will end with him being brought to justice, finally. 

Sure, hashtags come and go, and the so-called weak ties of digital movements are no match for real world engagement. But they are not only better than nothing, they probably make the world, the one beyond the keyboard, a better place. 



College Campus Kony Pride?


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by Katherine Curtis

When 250 St. Thomas students RSVPed to the “Kony 2012 Cover The Night” event, organizers were anticipating a large turnout.

But even with all the hype surrounding the Kony 2012 movement, less than 20 people showed up to post flyers around campus.

The lack of participation may have been because the event took place on Friday night or because it conflicted with three other major events on campus: the Relay for Life, Breaking the Silence and Ebony Open Mic Night.

But the momentum behind the movement has declined since the 30-minute video first debuted online.
“I feel like the marketing didn’t really match up with what they were asking or what the cause was,” senior Nataly Sanchez said. “They didn’t really do anything. I feel like it’s a good concept, but I feel like it’s a scam concept to be honest.”

Part of the decline in the Kony 2012 campaign is due to public speculation of Invisible Children’s business practices, particularly the percentage of funds put toward direct services.

“I don’t associate with Invisible Children through my actions,” junior James Wheeler said. “I don’t necessarily agree with everything they do outside of the Kony movement. I’ve just done my research on websites, and I know that there are better organizations.”

Invisible Children’s co-founder Jason Russell’s public disturbance in March also played a role in the movement’s decline. According to the Huffington Post, a “brief reactive psychosis” brought on Russell’s meltdown, and he was detained after being caught in a San Diego neighborhood in his underwear, yelling and disrupting traffic.

Despite the negative publicity surrounding the organization, participating students went forward and covered the John Roach Center and Aquinas Hall with Kony posters.

“I think it starts small, and we raise awareness here,” said junior Sara Nordstrom, St.Thomas ‘Cover the Night’ representative. “Then maybe some students walking by will say, ‘Oh, who’s that? What’s that?’ and try and raise awareness themselves and maybe take on a more active role and contact policy-makers.”

Though there may be aspects of the organization that students distrust, Nordstrom said people should not overlook the greater good the campaign is attempting to bring.

“I just think it’s a great opportunity for students to come together as a community and work toward something that they believe in and they want to make a change,” Nordstrom said.

Katherine Curtis can be reached at curt1354@stthomas.edu.

KONY 2012: What's Next (From Invisible Children)

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The UN, June, Unite (Or How I Learned To Stop Worrying And Just Dance To The Catchy Music)?!

Kony 2012 mania hits Florida


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Uganda Speaks In Response To Kony 2012 (From aljazeera.com)

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Transnational activism vs on-site video activism?




Which will work better?


http://makingsenseofkony.org/



Invaluable website: Making Sense of Kony.org


Kony 2012 And Social Networking Fad Culture



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by Emma Jeremy


I am writing to you from England. The time is 1.25am on the 21st of April, and tonight, apparently, thousands of people around the world will stay up all night to plaster cities and towns with the face of Joseph Kony, the Ugandan war criminal, raising awareness and support for his pursuit and arrest.

After the initial Invisible Children film was uploaded onto YouTube it was the biggest thing in the world for the next two days. I was relatively slow on the uptake, and was told by a friend by text of the ‘internet phenomenon’. His words, not mine. Facebook, Twitter and Tumblr were flooded with images, statuses, tweets and articles reacting to the unveiling of Kony’s many crimes against humanity, and many, including myself, were appalled that they had not heard of him before.

Social networking sites were Invisible Children’s chosen method of expression. This was the fastest, most efficient and more promising way to reach a mass, worldwide audience in a short space of time, and it worked, in the short term.

I logged onto Twitter this morning and was met with a Tweet that I couldn’t quite believe.
Can’t believe tonight is the night everyone’s supposed to go out and put up Kony posters, the whole Kony thing has gotten old now…

I was shocked. But the origin of this attitude is a very simple one to discern. Somewhere along theline, the idea of Kony 2012 lost its meaning. It had been a bit like a game of Chinese Whispers. The video was linked to one person, who linked it to another, who linked it to another, and with each ‘link’ a Fad grew where a meaning died.

An ‘internet phenomenon’, ‘a viral masterpiece’, rather than ‘a worthy cause’. It became fashionable to change your profile picture or, rather, unfashionable not to. If you hadn’t ‘liked’ the Kony 2012 page on Facebook you were ‘falling behind’: my friend’s words, not my own.


I asked this friend, who seemed so passionate about the cause to begin with, whether he would be supporting the cause this evening. He replied, ‘I’m supposed to be, but I’m going out instead I think.’
Friends who had pledged their support with visual images all over Facebook, had taken them down within a week. Not because they didn’t believe in the cause, but because it was ‘old news’. Comments on the Kony 2012 site this evening have been met with ‘banter’ from friends of those commenting about their ‘living in the past’ attitude.

Something, therefore, has drastically gone wrong with this campaign.

I do not doubt that there are many outside this evening, plastering walls with the face of Kony, making him famous and their support for his arrest known, but I am also sure that there are just as many who believed themselves to be strong supporters of the campaign to begin with, who tonight sleep soundly, the Cover the Night campaign far from their minds.


It is a shame that something so important and promising has been cheapened by Social Networking and its Fad Culture. Invisible Children saw this movement as not important only for the victims of Kony’s crimes but also as important for the world. They hoped that, through the platform of Social Networking, they could start a movement that would change the face of global politics forever. They saw that the internet could be powerful politically on a scale never before imagined.

And as much as I want to believe with them, after watching the campaign unfold, the cynic in me now believes they might be ahead of their time.


The Biggest Social Media Experiment In History Ends In Failure – So Why Is Nobody Talking About It?



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by Adam Ferrier


If the Kony 2012 campaign had its way, the world would have woken up to cities covered in posters on Saturday. In this guest post, Adam Ferrier discusses why it didn’t happen.

Kony 2012 has made the world a sadder, more cynical place. Kony 2012 has harnessed the powers of social media and advertising, blended them with the worst of evangelical christianity, and duped the world.   


I’ve been pretty negative about the campaign since I first heard about it, here, here and here. Mumbrella has asked me to put a point of view forward as to why it this campaign failed – here it is.

Kony 2012 is advertising at its worst. At its worst advertising can make the most ridiculous of products seem irresistible. This type of advertising was based about creating a desirable image around an unsubstantiated product. However, this type of advertising thankfully gets found out, now more than ever. Through social media and the wisdom of the crowds everything that’s based on image, and lacking in substance gets torn apart. However, things have worked slightly differently with Kony 2012, a massive failure, that the social media twit-faces (and much of the media) have ignored. Here’s why:
Advertising doesn’t work by providing facts and figures; presenting both sides of an argument, and hoping you make the right decision. Advertising (according to Dave Trott) is a master to two constructs:
  1. Desire; what can I say about my product that will make it irresistible. This could be a tangible thing (something about the product), or an intangible thing (something not about the product at all) – in fact to create desire you can say just about anything at all;
  2. Permission; what do I say about the product so someone gives themselves permission to act on the desire I’ve created. For example ‘Buy my creamy indulgent ice-cream (desire), it’s 97% fat free (permission)’.
The advertising tactics Kony2012 embraced were:

Desire: Koni2012 used every trick in the handbook of advertising 101 to build a strong emotional response. Guilt about inaction, close ups of children, big music ending in a crescendo, slow motion to build drama, sweaty, evil looking bad guys. It wasn’t story telling, it was manipulation.

Permission: He gave people the excuse to act via two clever techniques; scarcity; act now or miss out, social norming, this is the new world order, act now everyone else is. He’s also ensured other well known popular celebrities are involved, modeling the appropriate behaviour so others follow (like sheep). There were also some light touch statistics and funny diagrams thrown in to make the cause seem real and alive today.

The campaign created an emotional connection, and he provided a (thin) rational justification. He then coupled this with a simple action – buy an action kit, like the video, pass it on. He then asked everyone to post the posters they received in the mail up on a night of action to ‘cover the night’ in GetKony propaganda on April 20th. He ensured people felt motivated to act, and then he made it easy for them to do so – brilliant!

However, April 20 was meant to be the night of mass action where the world was covered in ‘GetKony’ messaging and it failed. People did not join in. Here’s why – before April 20 the crowd (us) found out the truth about the organisation. The truth was:

The organisation: is an evangelical fundamentalist christian movement. It recruits young people to spread its message. The organisation has been criticised for spending a lot of its revenue on making cool movies to promote its cause, ie It’s style over substance. It wasn’t obvious the organisation was so religiously orientated at first.

The Message: The original message was as we all know quickly found out to be full of holes and untruths. To the point where the president of Uganda created his own YouTube video to make many corrections.

The action: People were asked to ‘Get Kony’, a man who no longer lives in Uganda, and whose negative influence is currently minimal compared to many other challenges faced on the African continent. Further, it was never clear how buying an action kit, and showing your support by ‘covering the night’, was linked to getting Kony.

The Leader: Jason Russel always seemed more cult leader than saviour to me. More L. Ron Hubbard than Mother Teresa. His bizarre behaviour subsequently, and evangelical rants previously further deminished his credibility.

In short the cause was found out as being a sham, and people no longer wanted to associate themselves with it. However, the interesting thing to me was not the fact it bombed, but the reaction. There has been very little written about it, or discussed about it. Broadcast media and the social media people alike were very silent on the issue. This is amazing. The biggest social media experiment with 150 million participants ends in a massive failure and no ones talking about it (it didn’t trend on Twitter anywhere). Why?

Before people found out it was a hoax (of sorts) 150 million people acted towards this organisation and showed their support in front of family and friends on social media. Many of you publicly declared your support for Invisible Children and its cause. You took action, just by passing it on, liking it, or even worse, buying an action kit (and that’s why they were so cheap!)

Once you’ve acted they’ve succeeded. They’ve created a sense of cognitive dissonance that you must redress. If you passed the Get Kony message on you’re saying ‘I support this cause’, then you will have changed your (previously probably neutral) thoughts and feelings to agree with that action. Hence there were 150m people around with their thoughts feelings and actions all nicely aligned around supporting Invisible Children and Jason Russell.

However, as more information came to light about the organisation’s fictitious goals and their leader’s increasingly erratic behaviour (past and present) they couldn’t change their views. As the ‘night of action’ turned into a failure people didn’t feel comfortable declaring they were wrong, or they were duped. They had already acted towards the cause. To back out now will make them (you) look silly. That was the power of action – and Jason Russell knew this.

This is the reason why there is relative silence even though the biggest social media experiment ever failed. The silence can be explained by muted embarrassment from prior supporters, and quiet smugness from the detractors.

Kony2012 has proven, (and its just one of many causes that has and will continue to), you can create a fictitious cause, with a retarded goal and everyone will join in. However, social media will find you out, Big Brother is everywhere.

So would I have conceded, and changed my mind if the night of action had been a success? It wouldn’t have been.
  • Adam Ferrier is global head of behavioral science at Naked Communications

Awareness Isn't Action For Kony 2012 (From http://blogs.abc.net.au)



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by Joel Rheinberger

So what happened to the 88 million people who viewed Invisible Children's Kony 2012 video?

Weren't they supposed to be out on the weekend, plastering posters all over town?

It seems that they looked at the video, shared it on Facebook and Twitter, declared their support for the cause... and then thought better of it.

Some may say it's the inherent nature of 'clicktivism' - sending a link is easy, while arranging an evening of actual social activism is quite difficult.

But Adam Ferrier from Naked Communication disagrees.

"I think people are getting involved in more causes, more than ever.  People are becoming more active, more social, more responsible for the planet we live in."

"I think what we're seeing here was people made a pledge to a cause with too many holes in it for them to support."

Though undoubtedly powerful, the original video seems to contain some errors.  And the organisers themelves have had some high profile problems, which undoubtedly made some of their audience back away.

But I think that the central problem with the campaign is more fundamental - it was successful.

The video was designed to raise awareness of Josephe Kony, and by a month later, virtually every media consumer in Australia knew who he was.

Job done.  Awareness raised.  You'd be hard-pressed to find a better example of awareness-raising.

So even for a firm believer, what was the point in putting up posters now?

Perhaps it's time that "raising awareness" was only the first step in such campaigns.  There should be a second step, where we actually do something.

Kony 2012 Cover the Night Fails To Move From The Internet To The Streets (From The Guardian.co.uk)


 source

By Rory Carroll

The Kony 2012 Cover the Night campaign woke up to awkward questions on Saturday after activists failed to blanket cities with posters of the wanted Ugandan warlord, Joseph Kony.

The movement's phenomenal success in mobilising young people online, following last month's launch of a 29-minute documentary which went viral, flopped in trying to turn that into real world actions.
The campaign aimed to plaster "every city, on every block" around the world with posters, stickers and murals of Kony to pressure governments into hunting down the guerrilla leader, who has waged a brutal, decades-long insurgency in central Africa.

But paltry turnouts on Friday at locations across north America, Europe and Australia left cities largely unplastered and the movement's credibility damaged. "What happened to all the fuss about Kony?" said one typical tweet. "Kony is so last month," said another.

Elissa O'Dell, 24, an activist in Los Angeles, put a brave face on the fact just her and two other volunteers attended the painting of a mural on an auto dealership off Santa Monica Boulevard.

"It's just been us the entire day," she said on Friday. Another campaigner took photographs while an artist painted the mural, which said "Our liberty is bound together".

"The point of Cover the Night is for our community of supporters to give something back, pick up trash, paint schools, some direct, local action," said O'Dell. So, where was everybody? "We didn't expect people here," said O'Dell. Supporters were to place posters in coffeeshops, fire and police stations and other locations. "The response has been terrific. Tomorrow people will wake up and see our posters everywhere."
But on Saturday the boulevard, and according to reports the rest of LA and other cities, were largely free of Kony.

The campaign also tanked on twitter. "Find the silence around #Kony'12 interesting. It's muted embarrassment from prior supporters, mixed with quiet smugness from detractors," said one tweet.


Snarky and Questionable Kony-related Tweets found on the web




Saw more Lost Cat posters than Kony posters over the weekend. ... But then, the night is a pretty big thing to cover

best-spent two hours of my life: UNcovering the night in sioux falls. where're the posters? my trunk, that's where.

So is anyone still planning on doing on Friday or have we all collectively agreed to ignore it?

Why are we spending so much time & effort looking for Kony when Nickelback is so much easier to track down?

If you postin' bout Kony, I feel bad for you son, he snatched 99 kids and your 'status' saved none.

the only kony stuff I saw was "kony 2012" written in chalk on sidewalks good job everyone

I saw a tiny "KONY 2012" flyer taped to a wall yesterday and thought to myself, "Wow, last night some white girl saved Africa."


Yesterday was Earth day, but people waste paper with this Kony campaign.>:/

I just put my Kony poster up in my room. I stole it and drew on it a little, but it still means I saved a chid, right? RIGHT?

I keep seeing posters for Kony 2012. I didn't even know he was on tour.
 
"Who is this Kony guy I see plastered all over the city this morning?" said no one.

 : God is about to do something huge. I can feel it. //

Thousands of your pictures have been pouring in. See how creative our world is at .


Kony 2012 campaign leads to graffiti on Boston landmarks (from Metro.us)


Click here to see Kony ship in and out of Boston 


The 20 Least Effective KONY "Cover The Night" Signs (From Buzzfeed.com)

This is progress...............





 

Click here to see some rather uninspired illegal creativity courtesy of the "Cover The Night" crew

 

Kony 2012




The video that started it all: